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She says business is booming. The Pink Palace is one of the only legal Melbourne brothels run by a woman. She argues that this leads to a happier work environment for the sex workers, which buoys business, despite digital technology's encroachment into the commercial sex world. The sex-work industry is a complex, multi-headed beast.

Experiences vary greatly in Victoria between street sex workers all illegal , brothel and escort agency workers both legal and illegal and private sex workers both legal and illegal.

Added to that, there are characteristics specific to each of the heterosexual, gay and transgender sex work communities.

And then there are the state and territory variations — Victoria, Queensland, New South Wales, the Northern Territory and the ACT have legal sex work industries but they differ greatly in what they allow. In WA and Tasmania, brothels are outlawed but sole sex workers are legal. Now the internet, social media, video streaming and hook-up apps such as Tinder and Grindr add a whole new layer of complexity. Whether digital technology has been a blessing or a curse for the industry depends on who you speak to.

Increased independence, autonomy, anonymity, ease and convenience are among them. Private escort Savannah Stone says the internet works well for clients as well as sex workers. One such tool, the Ugly Mugs program, was started in Victoria by sex industry welfare organisation Rhed. It has now been adopted by sex-work industries all over the world. An information service circulated among sex workers, it provides details of clients who have been violent, abusive, refused to pay or caused other difficulties.

And there are now many members-only social media forums where sex workers can discreetly share information about their industry. In Victoria, brothels must pay an initial licence application fee to the Business Licensing Authority which works closely with Consumer Affairs Victoria to start their businesses. They then pay an annual licence fee. There are89 licensed brothels operating in Victoria.

Private sex workers must get a free registration number from the authority, which allows them to operate alone. There are more than of these owner-operated businesses registered at present. There's a fascination with sex workers so, on Twitter, people can interact with me and I like to not take it too seriously. The financial gains for private escorts can be substantial.

After paying tax, they take home per cent of their earnings, compared to an average of 50 per cent in a brothel. But brothel owners argue that the risks of working alone outweigh the financial benefits. Eve, an escort who works at the Pink Palace, says she chose a brothel over private work because of the safety aspect. In her mids, she is studying law full time at university and did her research on the industry before entering it about six months ago.

And Robyn Smith says some sex workers have arrived at the Pink Palace after frightening experiences. Here, in the 15 years I've been here there's never been any incidents. Of course, it is in the brothels' interests to highlight the risks of working alone. Many of those operating privately say the threat of violence and abuse are blown way out of proportion.

Cameron, a male-to-male escort based in New South Wales, says in 30 years he has never been a victim of violence. If I wanted to go into an unsafe profession I would become a nurse or a taxi driver.

Some brothel owners also fear the impact of hook-up apps on their businesses. But Cameron says that, although apps such as Grindr are utilised in the gay escort industry, they are not a major player. They are more commonly used by someone offering cash for sex as a one-off, or by someone who works only occasionally, rather than regular sex workers, he says.

Some Australian online services directories are incorporating app-like features. Jonslist — launched this year— is run by Jackie Crown, herself a former sex worker. Independent sex workers say online advertising and marketing are a positive. Many use a range of marketing tools including their own websites, online directories, Twitter and other social media, and sometimes hook-up apps. The industry is frustrated that the Victorian Sex Work Act has not moved sufficiently into the digital age.

Fawkes says Victorian sex workers face prohibitive regulations around advertising, while those in other states don't. In an era when the internet does not adhere to state boundaries, this makes things tricky, and in some cases makes the law look plain stupid. This is a problem for Victorian escorts who want to protect their privacy and end up displaying a blurred-out face and a set of shoulders. Meanwhile, workers in NSW and Queensland are allowed to display full body pictures.

However, as Fairfax Media discovered, Victorian-based escorts can still post full-body nudes online via their Twitter account. This does not flout the law because they are not actually advertising their business on Twitter, they are just using social media. So are a lot of people. The Eros Foundation, an adult entertainment industry group, also wants change.

Its executive officer Fiona Patten is founder of the Australian Sex Party and will contest the upper house Northern Metro region at next month's state election. Victorian workers are also prohibited from listing the specific services they offer, unlike workers in Queensland and New South Wales. So Victorian sex workers often set up websites with a section for Victorian clients that doesn't list services and a section for interstate and international clients that does.

But a Victorian punter only has to click on the interstate section to see the services listed. A spokeswoman for Victoria's Consumer Affairs Minister, Heidi Victoria, says current regulations, including advertising controls, expire in A consultation process for new regulations will start next year and stakeholders will include sex workers and brothel licensees.

These are all issues for sex workers attempting to stay within the law. Or, perhaps you're a night owl who struggles. When it comes to important dates for sales, July features an increasingly. Turns out, you won't have to wait until Apple rolls out group FaceTime in iOS 12 to have video chats with multiple friends: Today, Instagram is rolling. A seven-minute house tour from Chiara Ferragni, Tamera Mowry talking about her struggles with gray hairs, and a tongue-lolling adventure on the high seas.

Snap's Spectacles are getting snappier. Users will finally be able to export photos and videos taken with the shades in square and. Contrary to what your favorite Instagram accounts may have you believe, you don't need studio lighting, zoom lenses, tripods, and reflector discs to take.

AMC is coming for MoviePass with a brand new ticket subscription service that sidesteps many of the pitfalls of its competitor. On Tuesday, June 26,. MoviePass keeps getting worse.

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Between and , an attempt was made by the municipal authorities in the capital of Stockholm to establish state control over prostitution, and thereby sexual diseases, through an experiment with private licensed brothels, London and Stadt Hamburg , but without success. From , [8] most prostitution was illegal, but tolerated and regulated, including medical examinations and lock hospitals for venereal diseases.

Brothels were also illegal, but persisted under police surveillance. Other regulations controlled areas frequented by prostitutes and the clothes that they could wear.

This policy was both gendered and intrusive, [9] typifying the "necessary evil" [10] framing of prostitution typical of Western European discourse. An abolitionist office, the Svenska Federationen , was established in Sweden in , [11] and eventually protests, including women's movements in the s, [12] led to the commissioning of an inquiry in , reporting in After , control of prostitution was a national responsibility, under two laws, the Lex Veneris , [15] and the Vagrancy law , dealing with disease and unemployment respectively, since money earned through prostitution was considered illegal.

In practice, women charged under the vagrancy provisions were apprehended for prostitution in what was still coercive care as social control.

The three commissions of the s , , depicted prostitution as a dangerous predisposition requiring correction, as opposed to mere detention, a moral analogue to the danger of spreading disease. The report presaged contemporary legislative developments by referring to public education and the role of demand. Women were divided, some calling for abolition of the law pointing out it was gendered in practice, and others supporting the then popular social hygiene concept of sterilisation of the unfit.

These discussions raised the idea that men who sought out sex workers were a danger to all women. Health professionals shifted from arguing about contagion to arguing morality. This pathologised theory became the dominant discourse from the s onwards for dealing with uncontrolled sexuality in a period which was characterized by social medicalization. Citizenship became a hierarchical attribute depending on adherence to these norms.

Throughout these discourses, care was taken to distinguish attitude, which required correction, from acts, which were punishable. A parallel discourse was the concern about population, and the Population Commission commented on the need to control demand.

It also raised the idea of prostitution as antisocial. The prostitution commission proposed criminalizing prostitution related activities as part of the fight against such a social evil, including the actions of clients, although for law and order reasons rather than moral.

However, examining the language of this and a contemporary commission on homosexuality, it is clear that the construction remained heteronormative and patriarchal. The s saw continued pressure for abolition of the increasingly obsolete vagrancy law, which was now being enforced in a more restrained manner. The s brought the widespread questioning of sexual mores to Sweden, and, for the first time, the notion of prostitution as normative, together with proposals for re-establishing state brothels.

Debates in the Riksdag in saw women state that the primary cause of prostitution was male demand, echoing discourse outside of government in the s and s. By , women parliamentarians were stating that prostitution was the most important social problem of all time, [26] demanding a further commission By now, there was yet another reconceptualization of prostitution, from psychopathology to sociopathology, and the resulting legislation replaced the vagrancy law with the antisocial behaviour law in Regulation of prostitution passed to this Act, but retained the concept of normative social citizenship based on honest labour.

In practice, the law was used less and less, was successfully challenged in court in , and was replaced in by the Social Services Act of , till the Prohibition of Purchase of Sexual Services Act [27] of amended Sweden has had an active debate on gender equality since the s, and this has resulted in a number of institutional structures such as the Ministry of Equal Status and the Equal Opportunities Ombudsman The resulting inquiry in [30] was very controversial internally and externally , concluding that prostitution was not a question of gender equality.

Interestingly, they found that prostitution was declining and recommended that criminalization would merely drive it underground and worsen stigmatisation. Some attempt was made to distinguish between voluntary and involuntary prostitution.

The resultant bill only dealt with pornography, but provided some funding for research on prostitution. However, the rhetoric was clear: Prostitution was still a social evil, and incompatible with equality, and should be fought. A further commission was instigated in under a former Ombudsman. The latter [33] met the women's objectives, the former, [34] [35] however, proposed criminalizing both parties to an exchange in prostitution, including both hetero and homosexual prostitution.

In the ensuing public debate, there was talk of a historic reversal of patriarchy, and of the need to avoid further victimizing the victims women. Bills from women parliamentarians criminalizing clients continued to be presented, and the Government was criticized for inaction. The resulting government bill 5 February packaged both commission reports together as a Violence Against Women Act Kvinnofrid , [37] including criminalization of purchase in the prostitution provisions [38] and measures to combat sexual harassment in the workplace.

The Justice Committee was not convinced that criminalization would reduce prostitution, but still recommended the bill. Men tended to argue that this was a social, not criminal, matter, and that the bill intruded on self-determination, while the women argued that prostitution was incompatible with a social order embracing gender equity.

They saw prostitution as patriarchal oppression, and therefore, not a free will choice, although there was less unanimity over what should be done. The uniqueness of the proposal was emphasised, all of which took place at an ideological level, with no appeal to empiricism, which was explicitly rejected.

Sweden has proportional representation and a multi-party system. Social Democrats [42] dominated Swedish politics for most of the last century, but formed a minority left-of- center government during this time, with support from the Centre Party.

The Moderate conservative Party [44] and Liberals [45] opposed the policy, while the Christian Democrats [46] abstained. The Liberals argued that prostitution would be merely pushed underground, while the Christian Democrats wanted both the sale and purchase of sex criminalized. While maintaining that this was not about women's sexuality, the supporters of the bill claimed that women should control their own bodies, and that this was about men's access to women's bodies. Feminists and women's movements had carried out considerable lobbying for criminalizing purchase, but in the end, it was the women's groups within the parliamentary parties that were responsible for the success of the legislation, crossing and even defying their own party lines.

However, this was not as homogeneous as is sometimes perceived. Moderate women never joined the movement, and both Moderate and a number of Liberal women opposed the bill.

Most of the parliamentary debate was undertaken by women, which Ulrika Lorentzi, former editor of the feminist magazine Bang , referred to as the "Sex Wars". The women's movement had prostitution high on its agenda, criminalization of purchase had been on that agenda for a hundred years, and there was little opposition to this.

However, ensuing public debates revealed that even Swedish women were divided on the approach that had been taken. For the women, this was a test case of their ability to come together as a caucus and push through a women's agenda over the wishes of male colleagues. Messing's agenda was expansive: In addition to the Ministry and Ombudsman, equality issues lay with the parliamentary Gender Equality Committee , and a unit was created at the Department of Labour.

Legislation was created in In this case, the women's agencies were seen as not being supportive of the women's movement which had become increasingly coalesced around the demand for criminalizing the client, but rather, pursuing equality in a more impartial mode. The Minister, however, essentially championed the proposal both inside and outside of the Riksdag, and therefore, it may be argued that women's political agencies played an indirect role through the profile of the office and minister.

Arguments as to action varied across a spectrum from no action, criminalizing both partners, to criminalizing the client. Opponents expressed concern that criminalization would drive prostitution underground, and was symbolic rather than realistic.

Other concerns were expressed about the state of legislation and practice in the rest of the EU, including a fear of contamination of Sweden, and that this would send a message to Europe against liberalization. Other aspects of this included concerns about trafficking.

The Swedish Government states that the reason behind this legislation is the importance to society of fighting prostitution. Prostitution is considered to cause serious harm both to individuals and to society as a whole. Large-scale crime, including human trafficking for sexual purposes, assault, procuring and drug-dealing, is also commonly associated with prostitution. The vast majority of those in prostitution also have very difficult social circumstances.

The law is in accordance with Sweden's gender equality programme. However, the law is politically constructed, discussed, and enforced in the context of women selling sex to men. The Swedish Government believes that women selling "sexual services" to men constitutes a form of violence against women which should be eliminated by reducing demand.

Demand for women's sexual "services" is constructed as a form of male dominance over women, and as a practice which maintains patriarchal hegemony. This legal and social approach to prostitution, which has become known as the "Swedish Model" or more recently the "Nordic Model", needs to be understood—at least partly—in the context of radical feminism a philosophy which focuses on the theory of the patriarchal roots of inequality between men and women , which is very prominent in Sweden.

Today, the law is largely uncontroversial across the whole political spectrum. The view of prostitution as a legacy of a societal order that subordinates women to men being officially accepted. Consequently, it has become a taboo subject to question the legitimacy and effectiveness of the law. Nevertheless, there is a body of criticism, within and without parliament, but this has had no measurable effect on the official position and party policy see below.

Most of the debate, other than the lobbying from women's groups, took place within the parliament. Only after the law was passed did significant debate take place in public.

There was also interest in the fact that Sweden was quite unique in this regard. Some former prostitutes supported the law. Parliamentary activity continued, including the introduction of bills to criminalize the selling of sex, and to promote the Swedish approach and oppose liberalization of laws on prostitution worldwide.

In April , the law was amended as part of a reform of sexual crimes to add the clause "That which is stated in the first section also applies if the payment has been promised or made by someone else" to include procurement by a third party, which was acknowledged as a loophole.

Sexual acts with children were also added section 9 , and the Sex Purchase Law was moved to the Penal Code. Ninety one reports were filed in , and a reduction in visible prostitution was noted while acknowledging that estimating the actual activity of prostitution was extremely difficult, and that it was quite possible it had merely gone underground. The difficulties of enforcement were immediately noted by the police who had opposed the law, and the difficulty in getting a conviction was even harder under Swedish judicial procedure and the rights of citizens.

Few of the reports in were concluded. Six convictions were obtained, and fines imposed. Difficulties in even understanding the law were noted, and understandably prostitutes were reluctant to inform or testify against their clients. The Socialstyrelsen National Board of Health and Welfare noted that estimating the extent of prostitution was almost impossible. A number of reports suggest that prostitution was at a low level in Sweden, and was on the decline, but may have experienced a slight increase in the s.

Swedish authorities and activists [64] went on to promote internationally the "Swedish Model". The Government hosted conferences on trafficking, sexual violence, and prostitution as a comprehensive entity, [65] and issued Fact Sheets outlining official Swedish policy in a variety of languages.

A severe threat to society as a whole and indeed the world at large is described. Alliances were formed with prohibitionist anti-trafficking groups such as the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women , [67] and representations made at higher levels such as the European Union, Council of Europe and the United Nations.

Subsequently, the Swedish approach has found support amongst abolitionist groups around the world that lobby for similar legislation. Several European countries have discussed, or are currently discussing, adopting a similar legal system. This approach has met with mixed results.

For instance, there has been intense lobbying in Western Australia over the last two government's attempts to reform the law there. South Korea introduced similar legislation in , followed by Canada in , Northern Ireland in , France in and the Republic of Ireland in Some research into the law comes from outside of Sweden as well. Social workers reported a gradual decline in involvement over a ten-year period and more use of technology.

It was unclear how much of this change could be attributed to the law itself. The Swedish government commission SOU In contrast, in the NIKK report, estimates show there are approximately women in street prostitution, and women and 50 men who used the internet indoor prostitution.

Similar data from Denmark, where prostitution appeared much more acceptable, obtained by comparable methods, show there are at least persons visibly in prostitution among whom were on the streets. In Norway , with 4. Furthermore, the number of men reporting the experience of purchasing sex in the national Swedish population samples seems to have dropped from This survey, which obtained responses from men and women between 18 and 74, is now also published in English.

Evaluation of the law creates considerable conceptual burdens, especially given the expansionist claims of the rationale and objectives, which include not only the eradication of prostitution, but also of violence against women, and a cultural shift in sexuality values.

It is important to note that, even before the introduction of this law, Sweden had less prostitution than other European countries. Monitoring and evaluation of the law was delegated to the Socialstyrelsen , which has produced three reports , , These acknowledged the difficulties in evaluating the situation and provided no hard evidence that the law had in any way achieved its objectives.

The report states that street prostitution is on the increase after an initial decline and that customers and prostitutes now use the internet and mobile phone to communicate. The issue of unintended consequences was raised by critics of the proposed legislation in Sweden in three years before it took place, [94] namely that it would drive women in prostitution underground, increase the risk of violence, harm the most vulnerable, and be almost impossible to enforce, which some claim has happened.

Some informants speak of greater risks Police who have studied the occurrence of violence have not found any evidence of an increase The interview data and other research indicate that violence and prostitution are closely linked, whatever sort of legislation may be in effect. Some observers have noted that practitioners have left Sweden in order to ply their trade elsewhere, Africa being one destination.

In , Der Spiegel , a German news magazine, stated that according to the Swedish police, to foreign women are brought to Sweden each year to be prostitutes. In Finland, which is only half the size of Sweden, that number is between 10, and 15, women.

That same year, Jonas Trolle, an inspector with a unit of the Stockholm police dedicated to combating the sex trade, was quoted as saying, "We only have between and women, both on the Internet and on the street, active in prostitution in Stockholm today". Amongst other concerns about the law, taxing the proceeds of prostitution recognized since is raising questions as to the rationality of a law prohibiting purchase.

Stories about prostitution appear almost daily in the media, often with commentary from Gender Equality officials. Opinion polls have shown high public support: The rest "didn't know". The young adult population , particularly women, were most in favor of the law. The regulations were last updated in but their prescriptiveness is once again in the spotlight after a ruling in the US that led to a slew of websites shutting down that Australian sex workers had used for advertising.

This may force many into using dating apps to find clients where the back and forth interaction could see Queensland sex workers unintentionally break the law. Jules Kim, the chief executive of peak sex workers organisations, the Scarlet Alliance. Sex work is legal across Australia with the exception of South Australia but the regulations vary immensely between states. In NSW, prostitution is completely decriminalised meaning sex workers can work in brothels, from hotels or homes, on their own or in groups and there are only limited restrictions on advertising.

While sex work is legal across most of Australia, regulations vary wildly. All other descriptions are prohibited. Helpfully, the Government lists words that can be used.

A PLA spokesman told news. The organisation said the guidelines had existed in some form for more than a decade and applied to all forms of advertising, including apps. The Scarlet Alliance has been lobbying for laws across Australia to be closer to those of NSW where sex work is completely decriminalised.

Kim, a sex worker from NSW, said she found herself in trouble in when she headed to Queensland for work. While in her ad for Queensland clients she tried to stay between the sex flags, police pounced because she had a link to her more explicit NSW website.

The case never made it to court. Erring on the side of caution, there is fear these websites will delete all advertising for sexual services despite sex work being legal in Australia.

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